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Secondly, condom use was considered entrenched in sex workers’ practices to the extent that it was rarely discussed or reflected upon unless there was an extraordinary event such as a client forcing unprotected sex. For most of the indoor workers who had experienced street and indoor prostitution, condoms were said to be ‘like wearing a hard hat if you are a builder, you never go to work without protecting yourself’ (Anita, sauna). Taken together with the fact that some women saw only regular clients whom they had known for some years (the longest-standing commercial relationship was 10 years) and because many clients were over the age of 50 and considered to be less aggressive but, instead, nervously compliant, the chances of a client resisting condom use were not considered an immediate risk in the way that other risks were a significant preoccupation.
The risk of physical violence.
In contrast to health risks, violence was an occupational hazard that sex workers considered more readily. Sixteen out of 55 women described violent encounters with dangerous customers involving rape, kidnap, intimidation and physical assault. This reflects the wider literature on the prevalence of violence against women who work in prostitution that has been firmly established by researchers in Britain (Benson 1998, Church et al. 2001, Kinnell 1992, O’Kane 2002, O’Neill 2001: 90–3, Ward et al. 1999) and worldwide 2 . In my study, however, it was clear that although the majority (34 of the 55 women interviewed) had never encountered harm through prostitution, there was considerable awareness of and fear around the likelihood of violence from male clients. This was evident in three ways.
First, even women who worked alone in rented apartments had access to local knowledge regarding the extent and nature of violent incidents. There was a formalised system of reporting incidents relating to violence in the sex work community through a scheme called the ‘Ugly Mugs’ that was co-ordinated by the sexual health project. This system is popular throughout Britain and works on the basis that sex workers report incidents of violence (anonymously if preferred or with the option of logging the attack with the police). A description of the perpetrator is taken, in particular car registration numbers, and this information is broadcast to the local, and increasingly national, sex work community through flyers, word-of-mouth and the Internet (see Davis 2002). In the city where this project was conducted, between the period 1989–2002 over 400 reports had been made of violent incidents against female sex workers from male clients. This system of collecting and broadcasting violent attacks, robberies and rapes contributes to an increasing awareness amongst women of the dangers of the sex trade and therefore reinforces the need for sex workers to be proactive in preventing violence.
Secondly, the reasons why not all women working as prostitutes experience high levels of violence can be explained by the strategies that workers construct to prevent an incident happening or to deal with a threatening encounter. The likelihood of violence propelled the majority of respondents to construct screening strategies and a range of precautions, deterrents and protection mechanisms so to avoid or manage violence from clients.
The initial stage of managing the risk of violence is made before sex workers have face-to-face meetings with clients, take telephone calls or walk the street. On assessing the potential risks in a certain environment, sex workers create precautionary measures to prevent an incident. A popular precaution in all markets was the use of a chaperon. Several participants said friends were involved in making their work safer: they waited outside a hotel room, house or were present when clients visited their home: ‘My friend actually came up to the room with me, and I told him that my friend was there and he didn’t mind’ (Dora, sauna). Steadfast rules are in place to prevent robbery. Forty-five of the 55 sex workers always took the payment before a transaction, hiding it or stashing it with a third party: ‘I let them in, take the money off them, tell them to get undressed. I go out of the room, get my condom and put my money away and come back in the room and do ‘em’ (Tracy, working premises). These precautions are usually decided beforehand, after consulting colleagues or as a result of learning from a mistake.
The second stage of protection is assessing a client during the negotiation and transaction phase. Women learn which types of client may not honour the contract and apply various rules that discriminate against men in terms of age, ethnicity, dress, accent, appearance and the type of car a ‘punter’ is driving. These rules are based on previous negative experiences, localised stereotypes of certain groups and ‘street folklore’ regarding which clients are safe and which are not. Managing violence at work by assessing types of characters has been discussed in other volatile situations where the chance of violence is a regular feature of the environment. Hobbs et al. (2003: 120) describe how doorstaff in the night-time economy use ‘strategies forged through experience and performance’ that accumulate in a ‘process of selection’ of who is likely to be a troublemaker.
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